The Second Oldest Profession
The role of intelligence services in the national and international
politics of modern powers has been described as the"missing
dimension" (C. M. Andrew and D. N. Dilks, eds., The Missing
Dimension: Governments and Intelligence Communities in the
Twentieth Century, [London, 1984]). Accounts of intelligence
activities used to be consigned to journalists, novelists, and
former agents in pursuit of sensation, entertainment, and self
justification rather than rigorous analysis of international
relations. But since the 1970s the study of intelligence has
become a growth industry in the academic world spawning journals
and hundreds of scholarly works. Nearly all of the major powers of
the twentieth century have acquired an academic history of their
intelligence communities; the United States, Soviet Union, and
Great Britain being the subject of several. France has been an
exception. A very useful bibliography of the French intelligence
services published in 1994, but not cited by Professor Porch (P.
Morris and M. Cornick, The French Secret Services, [Oxford,
1993]), demonstrated the absence of any scholarly general study.
The reasons for this lacuna are numerous. There is
a relatively small academic community in France working on
international history in general and very little interest in
intelligence studies in particular (though this is beginning to
change with the establishment of a postgraduate intelligence
seminar at the new university of Marne-la-Vallée near Paris under
the direction of Admiral Pierre Lacoste, former head of France's
foreign intelligence service at the time of the Rainbow Warrior
affair in 1985). Moreover, anglophone academic intelligence
specialists, preoccupied with the large source materials in
English, tend to dominate the field, while there are serious
restrictions placed by the French authorities on access to archival
files dealing with intelligence (though studies of the KGB and
British intelligence have partly short-circuited similar
restrictions by using United States intelligence agency archives as
source material).
The absence of any scholarly history of the French
intelligence community is surprising given France's important role
in international relations in the twentieth century. It is all the
more so, as Porch points out, when one considers the remarkable
turmoil which has characterised French society from war and
invasion to political fragmentation and "... presented secret
service organisations with extraordinary opportunities for partisan
activity," not to mention "the tradition of governments and police
spying on their own citizens" (p. xi). Porch's stated aim is to
chronicle the development of the French secret services in the
modern era and ask some fundamental questions about what France
expected and expects from them. As with any serious study of
intelligence agencies, the key question is to determine the extent
to which intelligence, once gathered, was fed into the policy-
making process, and from there to assess its role and influence in
the state. What makes the French case of particular interest is
the way it differs from the "Anglo-Saxon" model of intelligence.
The latter, claims Porch, assigns domestic intelligence to the
realm of police work, rather than to"intelligence" in the pure
sense of a group or bureaucracy which informs government of
internal threats. In France "the fear of internal subversion,
aided by outside influence, was the first preoccupation of
intelligence" (pp. 20-1), helping to explain why the frontier
between intelligence, domestic surveillance, and counter
intelligence has always been more blurred in France than in Great
Britain or the United States.
Although the French intelligence community pre-dates
the Franco-Prussian war, it is in the years following France's
defeat in 1870 that great efforts were made to establish a modern
service. This is the starting point of Professor Porch's history.
But obsession with Germany led to the discreditable role of the
French counter-espionage service in the Dreyfus Affair. Discovery
of their nefarious activities in one of the most significant
scandals of modern French history was to leave a legacy of distrust
from which the French intelligence community has never fully
recovered. All governments, and those of the left in particular,
have entertained an uneasy and ambiguous relationship with the
intelligence services. This distrust has been perpetuated by the
fact that foreign intelligence has been dominated by the military,
unlike in their Anglo-Saxon counterparts. It is not conducive to
good intelligence practice given the notions of hierarchy and
obedience which prevail in the military over independence of mind,
scepticism, and critical thinking. Neither has the military's
image in French society been respected among politicians and the
public for reasons ranging from military defeats to political
intervention in French domestic affairs, and the poor image has
rubbed off on the foreign intelligence services.
Judged superficially on results, one could say that
the foreign intelligence services have performed badly in not being
able to predict the two greatest French military disasters of the
twentieth century--the direction and force of the German offensives
in 1914 and 1940. Of course, as Porch points out, this is an
unfair means of assessing their performance for as any student of
intelligence knows the problem lies not only in the gathering of
intelligence, but just as importantly, in its interpretation by
decision makers. More often than not, intelligence information is
accepted when it confirms preconceived ideas rather than overturns
them. The French intelligence services did present evidence of
German offensive plans in 1914 and 1940 to the decision-makers, who
chose to ignore the information. Undeniably this is part of a
vicious circle, for if there had been greater respect for the
French intelligence community, then arguably there would have been
greater readiness to accept the reliability of information gathered
by it.
Porch has written a long book of some 500 pages of
text, which has allowed him to describe in a chronological
framework many of the peculiar characteristics of the French secret
services. These include the ferocious rivalry between the myriad
official intelligence organisations, especially domestic and
foreign agencies; and the additional hostility between official and
ad hoc parallel agencies established, especially under the Fifth
Republic, by Presidents suspicious of the partisanship of the
official services. Then there is the almost reflex reaction of the
French services for covert "action", a legacy of the Resistance;
and the probable high level of penetration of the French services
by, in particular, communist foreign governments. The latter
probability is strong, given the prominence and respect for the
French Communist Party, recently supported by revelations about
former socialist Defence Minister Charles Hernu's KGB activity.
And finally there has been the extraordinary turnover in
intelligence chiefs over the last fifteen years. One is constantly
drawn towards the banal remark that one gets the intelligence
services one deserves, but a marginally more helpful comment would
be that the French secret services mirror French society.
Oddly enough, Professor Porch's book mirrors the
strengths and weaknesses of the French secret services themselves.
He has a tendency to be uncritical of his sources, which of
necessity, given the lack of official documentation, rely heavily
on memoirs and journalistic accounts, but which are insufficiently
corroborated by scholarly studies of the political and military
background to events (for example, on the myth of the Resistance,
there is no mention of secondary authorities such as Robert Paxton
or Henri Rousso [pp. 262 et seq.]). This is redolent of the
hearsay and unsubstantiated data collected by the domestic
intelligence services, most notably the Renseignements généraux,
on France's own citizens. Porch tends to use sources when they
confirm his pre-conceived ideas and reject the same ones when they
conflict with them (e.g., pp. 204, 282, 437, 484). He has a
tendency to shoot from the hip with explanations, without having
fully analysed all the secondary material on the subject, such as
the reasons for Mitterrand's hesitations over intervention in the
Gulf War (pp. 492-3), mirroring the French services propensity for
action above analysis. In the case of the French secret services
this led to the disastrous bungling in the sinking of the Rainbow
Warrior in 1985, in the case of Porch this leads to some rather
idiosyncratic interpretations, such as the carnage at Dien Bien Phu
in 1954 being largely due to French desires "to maintain control of
the opium harvest" (p. 319), something not mentioned in the usual
serious secondary sources, few of which Professor Porch bothers to
cite.
Of course this may be an interpretation which the
"missing dimension" of intelligence reveals to be true, but just as
French decision-makers' were sceptical of iconoclastic intelligence
theories from a poorly esteemed intelligence service, one harbours
doubts when the author shows little sign of having exhausted the
existing secondary works and relies heavily on somewhat
questionable journalists like Lucien Bodard. Neither is he correct
in his interpretation of some of the recognised authorities he does
cite on other issues, such as his assumption that Robert J. Young
analyses French society's problems in the 1930s in terms of
"decadence" (p. 144), which is the J.-B. Duroselle, not Young
interpretation.
Despite a number of failings there is a good deal to
be applauded in this book in so far as it is a useful history of
the French secret services as a whole and has no competitor. It is
wide ranging, racily written, well organised with useful summaries
and a good, if repetitive conclusion. The book is also accessible
to the nonspecialist reader. Greater rigour in method and
scholarly objectivity with regard to sources would have given it
more authority and probably a greater shelf-life.
John F. V. Keiger
University of Salford
j.f.v.keiger@mod-lang.salford.ac.uk
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