Should historians review theoretical books by professors
of fine arts simply because these happen to be
historically situated? Historians take their subjects
from the past, but they also write about historical
processes of change and continuity, cause and effect,
and at the very least about why their subjects mattered
in the larger flow of things. Historians are interested
in context, argument, coherence, and analysis built out
of rigorously marshalled evidence rather than coincidence
or overlap. They expect the books they read to have a
clearly stated argument or to be about a clearly stated
question or issue in history. They value good writing
and expect, at a minimum, lucidity.
Since Adrian Rifkin's Street Noises does none
of these things, it is easy to criticize from an
historian's vantage point. On the back of the dust
jacket Rosalind Krauss applauds Rifkin's "fragmentary,
montage-like style", a warning sign to the historian that
s/he may be in for a difficult time. The longest chapter
is entitled "Some Snapshots", another signal that this
study is not going to conform to historians' conventions.
For the first time in twenty years of writing reviews I
must acknowledge that I am not sure what this book is
about. In its specifics Professor Rifkin's work treats
Parisian popular and mass culture. The author writes
about popular song, photojournalism, film, stars like
Maurice Chevalier and Edith Piaf, gay culture, the gaze,
Walter Benjamin, Pierre Mac Orlan. But how these all fit
into a coherent presentation has escaped me.
In an introduction to Street Noises George
Melly writes in an introduction that "certainly the main
theme of the book [is] the tradition of the cabaret and
variety artist as the emblem of working-class Paris,
their links with the world of the criminal and the
prostitute, and with the middle-class flaneur who raided
this territory in the pursuit of vice and pleasure" (p.
vi). Mr. Melly has correctly pointed to a thread running
through the book, but I cannot see it as such a tightly
sewn one that it holds the study together as a work of
historical analysis or interpretation. My suspicion is
that Rifkin was after something larger: to capture the
textured play of sights and sounds and associations that
endow all great cities with their specific resonance and
that allow visitors and residents alike to say (in this
case) "This is Paris". The author appears to want to
show (or "unravel") the forms, formulas, and
representations through which the experience of
recognition has been produced and reproduced, especially
the workings of modern consumer culture which select and
shape the emblematic figures and cityscapes while
rendering these into the requisite cliches.
This is provocative and interesting
territory. But my suspicion concerning Rifkin's
intentions is at best an educated guess because the
author does not say what he is doing: chapters do not
open with clear statements of where they are going nor
necessarily follow from preceding ones; interesting
(sometimes very interesting) starting points receive
neither (historical) analytical treatment nor resolution.
Subjects of the author's interest--for example, the
gramophone--are invoked as historical agents of change
without explaining how or why. Moreover, many of the
author's sentences, despite several readings, remain
unintelligible.
To be fair to Rifkin, Street Noises was not
written for historians. As a study of ways of seeing,
hearing, presenting, and remembering, it conforms to the
language and approach of cultural theorists for whom it
was intended. The author clearly possesses a deep and
wide-ranging intelligence, and an eye and ear for
provocative material. I am sure he would be fascinating
to read if he wrote in ways that historians expect. But
since he has chosen a different mode and a different
audience, I cannot recommend this book to a wider circle
of scholars of French history. A final remark:
Manchester University Press would be well advised to hire
a proofreader.
Michael Miller
Syracuse University
mbmiller@maxwell.syr.edu
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